Democratic Institutions
Debunking a 'Sealed' Myth: Only 17 Political Parties Of 105 In EC List Got Electoral Bonds https://article-14.com/post/debunking-a-sealed-myth-only-17-political-parties-of-105-in-ec-list-got-electoral-bonds-629d7a3bd1d5a
SHREEGIREESH JALIHAL, POONAM AGARWAL & SOMESH JHA 06 Jun 2022
Secretive political funding by companies and individuals through electoral bonds reached no more than 19 political parties of over 2,800 across India, with India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) alone raising 68% of the Rs 6,201 crore received in three years, reveals a series of interviews and analysis of annual audit reports by The Reporters’ Collective.
The findings run contrary to the widely held belief (here and here) that electoral bonds were encashed by 105 political parties and the BJP’s claim that bonds are an efficient way to allow, in the BJP’s words, “donation to any political party of donors’ choice”.
In 2017 and 2018, petitions were filed (here and here) in the Supreme Court challenging the legality of electoral bonds through which corporate companies and individuals anonymously donated unknown amounts to political parties, with no limits. The Supreme Court on 12 April 2019 asked the Election Commission (EC) to find out and provide information on which parties received electoral bonds worth how much.
Perils of Outsourcing Political Work to Election Strategy Firms Shubham Sharma 08 May 2022 https://www.newsclick.in/perils-outsourcing-political-work-election-strategy-firms
The elephant in the boardroom where election strategy firms meet with the top leaders of political outfits is the corporate funding of political parties.
The mode of operation of PK and I-PAC primarily entails working with big data, collating facts from the ground, measuring the popularity of the party or leader it has signed up and streamlining its campaign as and where it seems to nosedive. A modus operandi that I witnessed during the Bengal elections last year was the swift movement of PK’s men in constituencies and passing suggestions about the candidate to the high command directly, bypassing the local leadership, not to speak of people.
organisations like I-PAC and individuals in PK’s mould have the capacity to rig Indian representative democracy in favour of parties with big money. Their fee is bound to be astronomical, an estimate of which can be found from the annual turnover of I-PAC. It stood at Rs. 1,032,170,361 (roughly Rs. 100 crores) in 2021, and the salaries of the three directors totalled Rs. 2.67 crores.
Since most political parties raise most of their money from corporate donations, we can see an umbilical link between the corporate pluriverse and politics. It is not that such links did not exist before the rise of electoral strategising firms. The latter’s rise increased the magnitude of the involvement of moneybags in elections.
corporate style strategising also brings the capitalist neo-liberal project to fruition. For the common person, who has already been atomised and alienated under neo-liberalism, elections are generally an opportunity to make maximum demands on the political parties jostling for their votes. The prospect seems lost because of pithy bylines and (un)witty bromides that election strategists coin. Politics seems to revolve around the banalities of Chai pe Charcha and Nitish Ka Nischay, which are flashed 24x7 on television screens, the internet, hoardings, and placards, closing the door for genuine demands and slogans raised by the masses.
post-ideological political minimalism becomes the order of the day. Since electoral strategising by firms revolves around crude money, the ideological foundations of the polity take a back seat. Services are available for a communal BJP and those contesting it politically. Class-oriented demands such as raising the floor wage and ensuring a minimum Rs. 25,000 wage—a long-time demand of the Left and allied trade unions—are never suggested as possible programmes of action by the political outfits.
Modi's 'One Nation, One Election' Puts Uniformity Above Constitution, May Pave Way for Hindu Rashtra https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U60CjeLbhz4 The Wire Oct 1, 2024 Suhas Palshikar One nation one election undermines the belief our constitution has a basic structure and that could lead to the introduction of Hindutva: Chief Editor, Studies in Indian Politics, shift the debate about one nation one election away from its impact on our democracy, to the impact the constitutional amendments it requires. These are far more important and dangerous, “It delegitimizes the idea that there is anything fundamental or sacrosanct about the constitution … this government does not care if key aspects of the Constitution have to be changed in a fashion that hurts its very identity.” Prof. Suhas Palshikar fears that this process could “open the doors” to further changes in the constitution.
Impact on democracy; “a death blow to the parliamentary system”, “a major attack in the arena of states’ autonomy” and on “the promise of representation”.
one nation one election will “prioritize neatness, uniformity and sameness” over the heterogeneous multi-faceted character of the country and, therefore, flatten what he calls India’s asymmetry. He points out that India is not one nation one religion, one nation one culture, one nation one language. Therefore, one nation one election would “transform the democratic logic (of our constitution) into a logic of ‘oneness’.”
One Nation One Election Violates the Basic Structure of Constitution & I’ll Go to Supreme Court Sep 26, 2024
One of the founding members of the Association for Democratic Reforms,has said that he has no doubt that one nation one election will breach the federal structure of the Indian constitution and, therefore, on that basis, it will violate the basic structure of the constitution..., Prof. Chhokar, a former Professor and Dean at the Indian Institute of Management in Ahmedabad, said he not only disagrees with Prime Minister Modi’s claim that one nation one policy will make India’s democracy “more vibrant and participative” but, he added, the opposite is the truth. It will make India’s democracy less participative and less vibrant.
Muralidhar cited the Supreme Court’s inaction on the suo motu contempt petition against former Uttar Pradesh chief minister Kalyan Singh, filed after the Babri Masjid was demolished in 1992. “It was not taken up for 22 years. And then when it was listed before Justice (Sanjay) Kaul it was said; why flog a dead horse. This is institutional amnesia, which in my view is unforgivable, of an act which the Supreme Court found was an egregious crime,” he said.
He also cited the Ayodhya judgment of 2019, arguing that the Court went beyond the scope of the suits before it.
“No one had asked for the construction of a temple. Directions under Article 142 were issued; no one asked for it, no legal basis, no prayer, hence no opposition. No central government or Hindu group lawyer had asked for it,” he said. The ruling, he added, “was completely outside the realm of the suits” and its fallout continues to affect the courts.
11/09/2025
Referring indirectly to former Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud, widely regarded as the Ayodhya verdict’s author, he observed: “It was an author-less judgment but the author himself said he consulted the deity before (delivering) it,” reported Indian Express.
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